| | The fields of antebellum (pre-Civil War) political history and women’s history use separate sources and focus on separate issues. Political histori- | (5) | ans, examining sources such as voting records, newspapers, and politicians’ writings, focus on the emergence in the 1840’s of a new "American political nation," and since women were neither | (10) | voters nor politicians, they receive little discussion. Women’s historians, mean- while, have shown little interest in the subject of party politics, instead draw- ing on personal papers, legal records | (15) | such as wills, and records of female associations to illuminate women’s domestic lives, their moral reform activities, and the emergence of the woman’s rights movement. | (20) | However, most historians have underestimated the extent and signifi- cance of women’s political allegiance in the antebellum period. For example, in the presidential election campaigns | (25) | of the 1840’s, the Virginia Whig party strove to win the allegiance of Virginia’s women by inviting them to rallies and speeches. According to Whig propa- ganda, women who turned out at the | (30) | party’s rallies gathered information that enabled them to mold party-loyal families, reminded men of moral values that transcended party loyalty, and con- ferred moral standing on the party. | (35) | Virginia Democrats, in response, began to make similar appeals to women as well. By the mid-1850’s the inclusion of women in the rituals of party politics had become common- | (40) | place, and the ideology that justified such inclusion had been assimilated by the Democrats. |
|
The primary purpose of the passage as a whole is to
A.
B.
C.
D.
E.
The Answer is: C
|